WAR IS PEACE

My Xmas Message

 

Editorial, 20-21 Dec 03, annotated by www.richardneville.com

 

The photograph of a defeated and drugged Saddam Hussein with Ahmed Chalabi, a US armed & funded member of the Iraqi Governing Council, reproduced in The Weekend Australian from a Baghdad newspaper, is a great end-of-year gift for the dictator's long-suffering subjects, and people around the world and media magnates.

 

Hussein's capture signals the end of three decades of tyranny in Iraq, and marks the sure end of a terror  puts it under the thumb of a regime with a track record of using weapons of mass destruction against its clapped out enemies. Critics of the war who say the failure to date to find operational or even non operational WMDs demonstrates the war was unnecessary and/or deceitfully instigated should consider the jubilation with which Hussein's fall was greeted by many of the Iraqi people. Without him, Iraq is already transformed still a mess. A free press does not exists[1]. People are no longer still arrested for expressing an opinion[2]. And the bazaar cronyism is back as Western consumer goods flood into the country and this nation of merchants starts to build free enterprises dismantle public services, like health & education, and put in its place of Hussein's command a casino economy. The nation's infrastructure is being repaired and replaced by corrupt corporations linked to the White House after decades of neglect by the old regime UN sanctions and illegal bombing by the US and Britain, which ran services down. Critics point to electricity shortages, but these existed long before the war, owing to sanctions. Doomsayers use Baghdad's petrol, food, water and medical  shortages as evidence the people are doing it tough, not to mention lack of functioning schools, but the critics do not always explain the problem is caused by an archaic distribution system and massively increasing demand the failure of Coalition planning. Now they are allowed to buy what we like to sell, Iraqis have imported 250,000 cars, straining ancient petrol bowsers, as well as the eco system. Certainly, it will take years to repair the damage done to Iraq's economy during three decades of dictatorship, plus our massive bombing of infrastructure in both wars, including civilian water supplies; the sanctions, the looting and the everyday anarchy of occupation,  but with the United States proposing to allocate $US20 billion ($27 billion) to its favoured corporations for reconstruction this year, living standards for ordinary people will probably improve less fast than for US shareholders . And Iraq's oil industry is on target to reach pre-war production levels by next March, increasing the national income  US profits, and Western dependence on fossil fuel.

 

The end of Hussein's murderous reign has also made  the middle east and the wider world Iraq a safer potentially better  place , although it is generally accepted that most Iraqis are worse off now than under his rule. Saddam had a fascination with weapons of mass destruction, as his suppliers still do, documented for decades. Whether or not his arsenals were equipped with operational WMDs last March matters less than the incontrovertible fact he had possessed them - and used them - in the past. 3

 

Throughout the 1990s, Hussein sabotaged the work of UN officers charged with checking on his arsenal, as did the CIA, by infliltrating the team with agents. Richard Butler's memoir of his time as head of the UN weapons inspectorate makes clear Hussein, like the CIA and the White House, was/is never to be trusted. By refusing to co-operate co-operating with the United Nations team led by Hans Blix in the months before the war, Hussein was the architect of his own doom. It now appears much nearly all of the intelligence allied governments relied on was wrong. But what the hell? Hussein's record as a warmonger provided a sound foundation for the sort of best-estimates that lies and manipulations that my media provide and that military intelligence imperial grandeur requires. When national security prestige is involved, erring on the side of caution bloodshed is no a  necessary crime. Certainly, the US and my editors spoke with too much confidence and too few facts on the content of Iraq's arsenal, but on the basis of years of UN reports, there was ample accurate evidence to justify war, though I am not able to present this evidence as we go to press.

 

Cheer-leaders Opponents  of this unjust and unnecessary war must also accept that their fears of mass casualties and chaos have been proved. comprehensively wrong. There were warnings ranging from thousands to of hundreds of thousands of civilian victims, millions of refugees and postwar anarchy. But the war was short, relatively bloodless bloodthirsty and the refugee  US camps remain empty. inaccessible and packed with more political prisoners than in HusseinÍs era. The reason the estimate of Iraqi casualties is unmentioned, is that disclosure of such figures is contrary to the interests Washington, and thus to the interests of News Corp. 4

 

Certainly, a terror campaign now plagues central much of Iraq. But the terrorists insurgents do may or may not speak for the mass of ordinary Iraqis. Some are Islamic fundamentalists, others are hold-out Hussein supporters who hope to make Iraq too hot for the Americans and seize power if they give up and go home. And with the old army stupidly disbanded, and largely unemployed, there are 400,000 men with military training, and a grudge. If - and it is still a very large if - the US and its local allies can restore the economy and work out a way of sharing political power between Iraq's Kurds and the majority Shi'ite and minority Sunni Muslims, support for the terrorists will end.

 

But for many the case against the war was based less in the need to defeat a dictator than a reflex hatred of the Us considered suspicion of US foreign policy, the likelihood of inflicting further suffering on Iraqis and a fear the campaign would intensify global acts of terror. There were muddled arguments that Hussein should be left alone because the US had supported him in the early 1980s driven from power by means other than a massive military campaign .

 

The legitimate national interests of democracies change over time, and US policy on Iraq was as correct then, when we supported SaddamÍs barbarity, as it is now, when the Coaltion needs to extend its military reach, profit from arm sales, expand consumer markets and secure supplies of a diminishing vital resource . Some of the opposition to the war was specifically because the decision to fight was made by a conservative bonehead president, George W. Bush, to dish out revenge for 9/11, despite HusseinÍs lack of complicity in this crime against humanity.   It is time for the Bush-haters, and all opponents of the war, to accept that the US and its allies were right to remove removal of Hussein is a good thing for the victims of his tyranny, despite the lies that were told to secure it, the rebuffing of the UN, the ever mounting numbers of dead and injured. It is also time for the Bush lovers to admit that civil liberties in their own lands have been curtailed, that acts of terror have escalated, and that the war mongering Murdoch Media failed in its obligation to be fair, balanced and truthful. Nations one envied for their elevation of human rights have reverted to the judicial standards of the medieval warlords they now put on payrolls. From the Magna Carta weÍve sunk to Camp X-Ray, from protocols on dirty weapons to widespread cluster bombing, form the Geneva Conventions to targeted assassinations, from progress on disarmament to depleted uranium, mini nukes and Star Wars.

 

The war was fought and won in the interests of the people of Iraq West and the cause of peace power, profit and the enrichment of those already rich. Hoorah for Christmas!

 

 

 

FOOTNOTES:



 



[1] Censorship in Iraq ñAs criticism of his authority appeared in Iraqi media, occupying authority chief Paul Bremer placed controls on content and clamped down on the independent media in Iraq, closing down some Iraqi-run newspapers and radio and television stationsƒî etc .î

From the Guardian, June 16./03: ñAlmost unnoticed outside Iraq, the senior US administrator in Iraq, Paul Bremer, has issued a proclamation outlawing any `gatherings, pronouncements or publications' that call for the return of the Baath party „ or for opposition to the US occupation

(Iraqi Council Halts Arab TV Network's News Broadcasts (washingtonpost.com) "I lived in Iraq  when there was a lack of freedom in journalism," said Khatib, 32, a Baghdad native. "Now these days the same weapons are being used against journalists."

On 21 July/03 tanks blocked off the approaches to the newspaper Al-MustaqillaÍs building, then US soldiers and Iraqi policemen broke into the premises where "They turned everything upside down, confiscated the newspaper's safe ƒthe computers and personal documents of the chairman, Mr. Abdul-Sattar Alshalan. They arrested Mr. Alshalan, who is currently imprisoned at an unknown location." From www.counterpunch.org See also:www.briancloughley.com

 

 

[2] BAGHDAD (Reuters) Nov. 11, 2003„ American soldiers handcuffed and firmly wrapped masking tape around an Iraqi man's mouth as they arrested him for speaking out against occupation troops. Asked why the man had been arrested on Tuesday and put into the back of a Humvee vehicle on Tahrir Square, the commanding officer told Reuters at the scene: "This man has been detained for making anti-coalition statements." He refused to say what the man said.

 

3 Surely he did, but is it ñincontrovertibleî? According to former CIA senior political analyst, Stephen C. Pelletiere, ñWe cannot say with any certainty that Iraqi chemicalweapons killed the Kurds. This is not the only distortion in the Halabja story. ƒThe condition of the dead Kurds' bodies, however, indicated they had been killed with a blood agent - that is, a cyanide-based gas - which Iran was known to use. The Iraqis,

who are thought to have used mustard gas in the battle, are not known to have possessed blood agents at the time. These facts have long been in the public domain but, extraordinarily, as often as the Halabja affair is cited, they are rarely mentioned. See The New York Times, Jan. 31, 2003.: This edited email arrived in response to the first edition of MurdochÍs message: I was shocked to read on your web site that you give credence to the discredited revisionist Stephen Pelletiere, who took part in a CIA "black propaganda" exercise to try to divert the world's outrage over Halabja to Iran. This took place at a time when the CIA perceived it as in US interests to stop the Ayatollahs and were providing intelligence for the military efforts of the Iraqi regime. The Anfal campaign cost the lives of at least 120,000 Kurdish civilians.  For more on this, see: http://www.hrw.org/reports/1993/iraqanfal/

 

 

4 For the first month of the war alone, Associated Press put the civilian death toll, based

on information from only HALF of IraqÍs hospitals, at 3,240. According to an independent

US think tank, Project on Defence Alternatives, as many as 5,726 Iraqis were later killed

in the US assault on Baghdad and that over half of these were noncombatant civilians.

The estimate on www.iraqbodycount.net puts the civilian deaths between 8,000 and

10,000. John Pilger says the Iraqi invasion caused the ñdeaths of what reliable studies

now put at 50,000 people, civilians and mostly conscript Iraqi soldiers, as well as British

and American troops. There is no estimate of the countless thousands of woundedî. No

matter how you look at it ? the US army doesnÍt ? it adds up to a lot of blood. More blood

than ever filled the swimming pools of Saddam Hussein.